Intelligence Agencies are behind all drug cartels/trafficking and terrorist organizations
Hidden History and insight into CIA/MI6/Mossad drug trafficking –Cocaine Politics: Drugs,
Armies,and the CIA
in Central America,
Please support the blog by clicking the Skip ad sing in your top right corner.
Por favor apoya este blog al darle click a Saltar publicidad localizado arriba y a la derecha.
by
In 1988 the US led an invasion of
Panama to remove Noriega from presidency in favor of Guillermo Endara,
the former director of Banco Interoceanico. Carlos Eleta, Endara’s
former business partner responsible for laundering CIA funds into
Endara’s presidential campaign, was arrested in 1989 for conspiring to
import ½ ton of coke monthly into the US. (p.72-3)
Richard Brenneke was a Portland OR arms dealer who was recruited by Pesakh Ben-Or in 1983 to supply the Contras with East-Bloc weapons stored in Checkslovakia. The planes used to transfer the weapons were also used to transport Medellin coke to the US. (p.74-5)
Israeli specialists trained many of the drug cartel assassins and paramilitary squads responsible for most acts of Colombian terrorism. Mossad agents were responsible for the formation of UESAT, a Panamanian bodyguard unit where Michael Harari worked as a trainer. The Israeli security firm ISDS, owed by Emil Saada, trained bodyguards in Honduras and members of Contra death-squads. (p.75-7)
Richard Brenneke was a Portland OR arms dealer who was recruited by Pesakh Ben-Or in 1983 to supply the Contras with East-Bloc weapons stored in Checkslovakia. The planes used to transfer the weapons were also used to transport Medellin coke to the US. (p.74-5)
Israeli specialists trained many of the drug cartel assassins and paramilitary squads responsible for most acts of Colombian terrorism. Mossad agents were responsible for the formation of UESAT, a Panamanian bodyguard unit where Michael Harari worked as a trainer. The Israeli security firm ISDS, owed by Emil Saada, trained bodyguards in Honduras and members of Contra death-squads. (p.75-7)
where there are terrorist death-squads, there are always the CIA/Mossad lurking in the shadows
In the 1980s trafficking in Colombia
was divided between 5 loosely organized syndicates in Cali and Medellin.
These cartels were dominated by a Peruvian source that supplied most
traffickers in Columbia, Mexico, US and Europe. The early leadership of
the Cali cartel consisted of Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela, Jose
Santacruz Londono, and Eduardo Tascon Moran, who exported coke to the US
and Thailand. The protection and patronage by the CIA of the
traffickers involved in the contra supply network brought cohesiveness
to the competitive factions in Colombia. In 1983 a customs report
recorded drug drops made by Isaac Kattan Kassin on Adler Barry Seal’s
farm for the Juan Ramon Matta Ballesteros and Santiago Ocampo Zuluaga
network. The syndicate transported cocaine from Columbia to the US via
Mexico with political protection in every country where it operated.
Alfonso Rivera, leader of the 1974 coalition that made many S. American
countries capable of producing coca paste, and the Paredes, the
wealthiest family in Peru, supplied the majority of cartels in Columbia.
The Rivera-Ocampo-Matta connection was based off of Augusto Ricord’s
French Connection, the major heroin pipeline created from CIA
intervention in Marsielle. This syndicate ran the largest coke
smuggling operation in possibly the world and continued to distribute
Marsielle heroin to the US. (p.79-84)
US agents associated with the Auguste Ricord network moved Klaus Barbie from NAZI Germany to Bolivia. (p.85) ( Zionist Jew OSS Agent James Jesus Angleton likely involved. From his Station Desk in Italy, he approved passports for Nazis to escape to S. America, Britian and the USA — The CSR)
The World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and the American Anti-Communist Confederation (CAL) developed a strategy to achieve right wing hegemony through strategic alliance with drug lords. (p.87)
MAS (muerte a sequestadores) was a death-squad created in 1984 through the collaboration of Colombian cartels, death-squads, and military forces. Santiago Ocampo from the Cali cartel served as president President while Jorge Ochoa from the Medellin cartel served as treasurer. (p.87)
Paul Helliwell, a long-time CIA asset, worked with the opium trafficking Guomindang troops in Burma through his Miami based company Sea Supply Inc, laundered CIA and mafia funds through his Castle Bank in the Bahamas, and laundered funds for the CIA and Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator of the Phillipines, through his investment firm. (p.92)
Meyer Lansky related property firms laundered drug money from Thailand and Burma. (p.92)
The Nugan Hand Bank of Australia served as a major financier of drug deals until its collapse in 1980. Donald Beazely, an executive at numerous money laundering fronts including the Great American Bank of Miami, the National Bank of Homestead, formerly owned by Paul Helliwell, and the City National Bank of Miami, became Nugan’s president in in 1979. The City National Bank of Miami was connected to the Colombian cartels and financed a number of Jeb Bush construction projects. (p.92)
In 1981 William Casey, the CIA director, created the narco-guerilla hypothesis that linked the FARC and the Sandinistas to the Medellin cartel and blamed them for the drug crises in the US. (p.95)
In 1982 George Bush formed a S. Florida task force with the mission to keep drugs out of Florida. The group aggressively attacked the Medellin cartel hold on the market while strengthening its bond to Cuban and Cali traffickers. (p.96)
Troilo and Fernando Sanchez’s control of traffic in Costa Rica was broken after the1983 DEA bust of the San Fransisco syndicate the brothers were exporting to. The case came to be known as the frogman case and occurred 1 month after Adolfo Calero was chosen by the CIA to replace Aristides Sanchez, a close relative of the brothers, in commanding the FDN troops. $36,020 of the siezed drug money was returned to contra leaders who claimed it was their property. The family and friends of contra leader Fernando “El Negro” Chamorro replaced Sanchez family control of the trade through Costa Rica. Mike Harari arranged the Chamorro family connection to Colombian coke transported through Panama. The involvement of traffickers in Miami’s Cuban community to the contra supply operation was arranged by Oliver North, John Hull, and Robert Owen and flourished after CIA dropped support for Eden Pastora’s ARDE faction in 1985. (p.106-9)
The United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO) party formed by Alfonso Robelo, the Nicaraguan millionair who financed the Sandinistas and the Contras, contained other ex-Sandinistas. (p.114)
The Christic Institute filed a class action lawsuit against Robert Owens that claimed his involvement with Richard Secord, John Hull, and the Miami Cuban traffickers constituted a criminal conspiracy. (p.118)
strengths/weaknesses/implications in context: Dale Scott’s section of Cocaine Politics demonstrated how, through the arrangement of the contra supply apparatus, the CIA unified small scale syndicates throughout Latin America and allowed them, through protection and logistical support, to transform into an international transportation and distribution network for cocaine. The traffickers supported by the CIA were responsible for a vast amount of the cocaine imported to the US in the early 1980s at the initial onslaught of the crack epidemic. This implies that the CIA was implicit in the creation of the drug crises that has cost taxpayers billions to fight against. The only downfall to this work is that it is very dense with names and events that are oftentimes difficult to connect to each other on the first read-through.
US agents associated with the Auguste Ricord network moved Klaus Barbie from NAZI Germany to Bolivia. (p.85) ( Zionist Jew OSS Agent James Jesus Angleton likely involved. From his Station Desk in Italy, he approved passports for Nazis to escape to S. America, Britian and the USA — The CSR)
The World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and the American Anti-Communist Confederation (CAL) developed a strategy to achieve right wing hegemony through strategic alliance with drug lords. (p.87)
MAS (muerte a sequestadores) was a death-squad created in 1984 through the collaboration of Colombian cartels, death-squads, and military forces. Santiago Ocampo from the Cali cartel served as president President while Jorge Ochoa from the Medellin cartel served as treasurer. (p.87)
Paul Helliwell, a long-time CIA asset, worked with the opium trafficking Guomindang troops in Burma through his Miami based company Sea Supply Inc, laundered CIA and mafia funds through his Castle Bank in the Bahamas, and laundered funds for the CIA and Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator of the Phillipines, through his investment firm. (p.92)
Meyer Lansky related property firms laundered drug money from Thailand and Burma. (p.92)
The Nugan Hand Bank of Australia served as a major financier of drug deals until its collapse in 1980. Donald Beazely, an executive at numerous money laundering fronts including the Great American Bank of Miami, the National Bank of Homestead, formerly owned by Paul Helliwell, and the City National Bank of Miami, became Nugan’s president in in 1979. The City National Bank of Miami was connected to the Colombian cartels and financed a number of Jeb Bush construction projects. (p.92)
In 1981 William Casey, the CIA director, created the narco-guerilla hypothesis that linked the FARC and the Sandinistas to the Medellin cartel and blamed them for the drug crises in the US. (p.95)
In 1982 George Bush formed a S. Florida task force with the mission to keep drugs out of Florida. The group aggressively attacked the Medellin cartel hold on the market while strengthening its bond to Cuban and Cali traffickers. (p.96)
Troilo and Fernando Sanchez’s control of traffic in Costa Rica was broken after the1983 DEA bust of the San Fransisco syndicate the brothers were exporting to. The case came to be known as the frogman case and occurred 1 month after Adolfo Calero was chosen by the CIA to replace Aristides Sanchez, a close relative of the brothers, in commanding the FDN troops. $36,020 of the siezed drug money was returned to contra leaders who claimed it was their property. The family and friends of contra leader Fernando “El Negro” Chamorro replaced Sanchez family control of the trade through Costa Rica. Mike Harari arranged the Chamorro family connection to Colombian coke transported through Panama. The involvement of traffickers in Miami’s Cuban community to the contra supply operation was arranged by Oliver North, John Hull, and Robert Owen and flourished after CIA dropped support for Eden Pastora’s ARDE faction in 1985. (p.106-9)
The United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO) party formed by Alfonso Robelo, the Nicaraguan millionair who financed the Sandinistas and the Contras, contained other ex-Sandinistas. (p.114)
The Christic Institute filed a class action lawsuit against Robert Owens that claimed his involvement with Richard Secord, John Hull, and the Miami Cuban traffickers constituted a criminal conspiracy. (p.118)
strengths/weaknesses/implications in context: Dale Scott’s section of Cocaine Politics demonstrated how, through the arrangement of the contra supply apparatus, the CIA unified small scale syndicates throughout Latin America and allowed them, through protection and logistical support, to transform into an international transportation and distribution network for cocaine. The traffickers supported by the CIA were responsible for a vast amount of the cocaine imported to the US in the early 1980s at the initial onslaught of the crack epidemic. This implies that the CIA was implicit in the creation of the drug crises that has cost taxpayers billions to fight against. The only downfall to this work is that it is very dense with names and events that are oftentimes difficult to connect to each other on the first read-through.
Related –
No comments:
Post a Comment