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Illuminati Bankers Seek Godlike Omniscience
Americans
fear their own government’s surveillance more than terrorism. This is
reasonable since false flag “terrorism” is merely a pretext for the
establishment of a Judeo Masonic world tyranny, re. the New World Order.
Glenn Greenwald’s book, No Place to Hide, explains that the Illuminati Jewish bankers seek “something akin to omniscience [by] spying on everyone on the planet.” (The US government is merely their sock puppet.)
The motivation behind spying –
Makow – NWO is Throwback to Totalitarian Judaism
The motivation behind spying –
Makow – NWO is Throwback to Totalitarian Judaism
No Place to Hide by Glenn Greenwald
Review by Joel Whitney
Review by Joel Whitney
(Slightly abridged by henrymakow.com)
“No Place to Hide” is indeed a meditation on hiding. It
takes its title from the late U.S. Sen. Frank Church, who investigated
the intelligence community’s reach in 1975. Greenwald sounds the same call to arms as
Church, but against a technical capacity beyond anything imagined then,
enabling the government to scoop up almost everything we say or do.
The book is a smart,
impassioned indictment of what Greenwald calls “fear-driven, obsequious
journalism” that uncritically amplifies whatever politicians say is
needed to fight the war on terror. But the book is also an examinationof the courage and savvy of a then-29-year-old cyberenthusiast who initially couldn’t get Greenwald’s attention.
On Dec. 1, 2012, Greenwald got a tip from “Cincinnatus,” who requested a more secure connection with the journalist and former civil rights lawyer, working then at the Guardian. (Greenwald is now an editor at the news site the Intercept,
published by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar’s new-media venture, First
Look Media.) Greenwald was interested, exchanging a few e-mails with the
would-be source, but ultimately never downloaded the encryption
software.
The next April, documentary
filmmaker Laura Poitras told Greenwald about a source who might have
documents that would provide insights into government surveillance.
Samples, including a very rare FISA Court document, got Greenwald’s
attention. On June 1, they met the source in Hong Kong, where he was
camped out in a luxury hotel. When he turned up in a hotel conference room with
an unsolved Rubik’s Cube, both journalists were shocked at how young he
looked, given his self-assurance in e-mails and chats. This, of course,
was Snowden.
The cache, too, was astonishing for the breadth
of surveillance it detailed in self-congratulatory PowerPoints and
memos that Snowden had meticulously organized. Snowden later told
Greenwald he was Cincinnatus, and because Greenwald wouldn’t download
simple privacy software, the largest leak in history had almost slipped
through his hands.
Snowden taught Greenwald and Poitras other security techniques over the next few days: how to stash cell phones in
the freezer (they can be made into bugs); placing pillows against
cracks under a hotel door to block sound; Snowden even draped a towel
over his head when typing passwords on his laptop to block ceiling
cameras.
(Glenn Greenwald, left)
What felt like overkill proved warranted when the journalists explored the explosive cache they’d been handed on the most elusive of all American intelligence agencies. Days after he arrived, Greenwald’s editors at the Guardian were filing his stories on unprecedented connivance between telecoms and the National Security Agency that gave the latter access to a vast (searchable) trove of e-mails, chats and other conversations and online habits ofpeople the world over.
What felt like overkill proved warranted when the journalists explored the explosive cache they’d been handed on the most elusive of all American intelligence agencies. Days after he arrived, Greenwald’s editors at the Guardian were filing his stories on unprecedented connivance between telecoms and the National Security Agency that gave the latter access to a vast (searchable) trove of e-mails, chats and other conversations and online habits ofpeople the world over.
The
United States government was apparently attempting something akin to
omniscience; it was spying on everyone on the planet (or at least those
who use technology to communicate) and trying to store it all in vast
canyons of servers in Bluffdale, Utah. The NSA was grabbing and stashing
so much across an astounding number of code-named programs that,
according to one leaked slide, they even repeatedly slowed down the
Internet.
As
Snowden told Greenwald, “When the richest and most powerful
telecommunications providers in the country knowingly commit tens of
millions of felonies, Congress passes our nation’s first law providing
their elite friends with retroactive immunity … for crimes that would
have merited the longest sentences in … history,” he knew he had to act.
Some of those companies’
executives, like Google’s Eric Schmidt, infamously said the innocent
have nothing to hide (then Schmidt boycotted the CNET site for
publishing details about his own life, like his salary).
Privacy is no longer a
“social norm,” announced Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg. Across government
and media, supporters of the surveillance exclaimed upon hearing the
revelations that the NSA wasn’t listening in to their conversations; it
was overblown.
California Sen. Dianne
Feinstein argued there was no violation since metadata (information on
whom you call, sites you visit, what time, how often) isn’t the same as
“content” (a transcription of that call or the e-mail itself).
But Greenwald makes the
case that you can tell a very detailed story with metadata. (Indeed,
former NSA and CIA Director Michael Hayden admitted last week to David
Cole, “We kill people based on metadata.”) Never mind that the NSA
collects and saves content, too. In March, while Greenwald’s book was
going to press, Feinstein got a taste of snooping when she found that
the CIA had spied on her.
Greenwald’s eloquent
defense of the core beliefs enshrined in the U.S. Constitution reads
like a brief on the importance of gravity to architecture, or water to
swimming; the right to privacy –
and not to be searched without cause – are so fundamental it’s hard to
imagine they need to be defended at all, let alone against such vast
encroachment.
The revelations have
Americans concerned. Greenwald notes that one poll found Americans now
fear their own government’s surveillance more than terrorism. This is
President Obama’s legacy. Snowden told Greenwald that as he weighed his
conscience on the view into surveillance afforded by his work for the
NSA, CIA and management consulting firm Booz
Allen – including watching drone attacks on distant Asian villages in
real time – he “realized … I couldn’t wait for a leader to fix these
things. Leadership is about acting first and serving as an example for
others.”
After Snowden was chased
into hiding and threatened with arrest, his passport revoked, Greenwald
recounts that they both have faced numerous attacks by journalists.
Also, Greenwald’s partner, David Miranda, was detained under Britain’s
terrorism laws, and there have been threats of arrest and even whispers,
reported by well-meaning fellow journalists, recounting intelligence
officials’ overheard desire to have Snowden and Greenwald “disappear.”
Obama famously entered
office promising the most transparent administration in history. But in
light of the Snowden disclosures, the war on whistle-blowers, the
impunity in the face of vast crimes, he leaves with the opposite, the most spied-on constituency the world has ever known.
Joel Whitney is the co-founder and editor at large of the online magazine Guernica. E-mail: books@sfchronicle.com
SOURCE – See more at: http://henrymakow.com/#sthash.A8d9NLXb.dpuf
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